







Hold Infinity In The Palm Of Your Hand , And Eternity In An Hour .








A film about kamikaze pilots has been playing to packed theaters from Hokkaido to Kyushu since its release in December of 2013, becoming one of the top-grossing Japanese productions of all time. In addition to attracting the admiration of Prime Minster Shinzo Abe, "The Eternal Zero" has drawn a fair amount of criticism for being the latest in a string of recent films that mythologize the Japanese role in World War II.
Any Japanese film concerning World War II is going to be closely scrutinized by Japanese and international audiences alike. Most Japanese films produced in the first few decades following the war focus on human tragedy while keeping away from anything that could be construed as glorifying combat or defending Japan's military adventurism. To avoid possible offense, American and Allied Forces in Japanese productions have usually been faceless, instead being represented by their machines of war (as opposed to contemporary Hollywood productions that often include rather negative stereotypes of Japanese soldiers). Americans and the Allied Forces are also rarely even named, usually referred to simply as the enemy.
However, Japanese films generally fail to explain the cause of the war, which has led to a spate of recent movies that cast Japan in a more sympathetic light. With bigger budgets and slicker production values than the stark and repenting post-war movies, these films portray a more romantic view of the fight against the West where Japan is a victim, not the aggressor. As Japanese films become more revisionist, great concern has already been expressed about the current generation of movies such as The Truth about Nanjing which boldly dismisses war atrocities as Chinese propaganda. The film's director has stated that the Japanese leaders executed for war crimes are martyrs like Jesus Christ.
These are a several notable films about World War II produced in Japan:
The Eternal Zero (Eien no Zero) 2013 – Using a flashback narrative, The Eternal Zero follows two siblings as they try to learn more about their grandfather who apparently was determined to survive the war but decided to die as a kamikaze. Some domestic and foreign critics have dismissed the film as shameless nationalistic propaganda. They argue that instead of being patriots who willing sacrificed themselves for Japan, kamikaze were actually vulnerable young men who were radicalized or pressured by fanatics into pursuing an "honorable" death.
The Men of the Yamato (Otoko tachi no Yamato) 2005 – The Men of the Yamato is a big budget production with a story structure and visuals clearly modeled after Hollywood blockbusters. The film depicts the fate of the world's largest battleship and members of the crew as they are sent on a desperate mission to Okinawa where — spoiler alert — the pride of the Japanese Imperial Navy is destroyed by U.S. Navy pilots.
Sea Without Exit (Deguchi no nai umi) 2007 – Kaiten pilots operated one-man submarines that served as human-guided torpedoes, making them the underwater counterparts to the better known kamikaze who attacked from the air. Sea Without Exit chronicles a star baseball player and his three fellow kaiten pilots as the struggle between a sense of patriotic duty and the fear that their lives will be wasted in a war that is already lost.
Fires on the Plain(Nobi) 1959 – After receiving an Academy Award nomination for his 1956 anti-war film The Burmese Harp, director Kon Ichikawa explored even darker themes in Fires on the Plain. The plot concerns a group of Japanese soldiers trapped in the Philippines with little food or supplies because of the tightening noose of the Allied Forces. A brutal film, the graphic depiction of the soldier's efforts to survive through murder and cannibalism was met with critical disdain upon its release.
Zero Fighter(Zerosen moyu) 1984 – Zero Fighter covers the history for the famed plane from its design and early dominance in the air until the end of the war when it is eventually outclassed by advanced enemy aircraft attacking in superior numbers. If the special effects seem strangely reminiscent of Japan's popular superhero and monster movies, Zero Fighter was produced by the same studio and special effects team responsible for several Godzilla films.
For Those We Love (Ore-kimi) 2007 – Written by Governor of Tokyo Shintaro Ishihara, For Those We Love tells the tale of several young kamikaze pilots as remembered by the matron of the local restaurant they frequented while waiting for the final mission. Considering Ishihara's right wing political views, it probably should come as no surprise that the kamikaze pilots are glorified as heroes who died protecting their homeland rather than tragic causalities of Japan's imperialistic ambitions.
Grave of the Fireflies (Hotaru no haka) 1988 – Grave of the Fireflies is a widely acclaimed animated film that follows an orphaned brother and sister as they struggle to survive in a Japan devastated by war. Film critic Roger Ebert ranked it as one of the best war films ever made, stating that its emotional breadth almost moved him to tears. The popularity of the movie in Japan has spawned two live action versions.
Merdeka 17805 2001 – The producers of Merdeka 17805 claim the film commemorates Japan's role in bringing independence to Indonesia by ending Dutch colonial rule, but the release was met with criticism for offering a revisionist view that presents Japanese military aggression as being merely a desire to protect Asia from the West. Scenes depicting Indonesians kissing the feet of their Japanese liberators as well as soldiers slapping the faces of Indonesian recruits were deemed highly offensive to the nation's Muslim population.
Battle of Okinawa (Gekido no showashi:Okinawa kessen) 1971 – As the title states, Battle of Okinawa is a drama about the last major confrontation between Allied and Japanese Imperial forces. While the film faults Japanese leaders for failing to provide their soldiers with sufficient resources to defend the island from the Allied onslaught, the Okinawans caught in the middle of the fighting are portrayed as the true victims.
Japan's Longest Day (Nihon no ichiban nagai hi) 1967 – Even after two of their cities had been devastated by atomic bombs, hardliners within the Imperial Japanese military were still prepared to fight to the death. Japan's Longest Day recounts the true events of August 14-15 when a group of fanatical soldiers attempted a coup to prevent the broadcast of Emperor Hirohito's message of surrender.
Better Wishes for Tomorrow (Ashita e no yuigon) 2007 – Like the 1998 film Pride: A Fateful Moment about Prime Minister Hideki Tojo, Better Wishes for Tomorrow attempts to humanize a Japanese leader on trial for war crimes . Responsible for the execution of American airmen, Tasuka Okada is portrayed as a dedicated family man who acted out of love for country. Both films seem to imply that any atrocities committed by the Japanese during the war were negated by Allied bombing of civilians.

One of Washington's leading members of Congress, J. Randy Forbes, and a brilliant analyst, Elbridge Colby, sound the alarm. They believe that China has made precipitous gains against the United States' military power and that the U.S. must urgently increase its defense efforts to maintain its superiority.
Forbes and Colby assert that "the balance of military power in the Asia-Pacific writ large is under serious and growing pressure from China's military-modernization efforts," and the U.S. "edge in technology … is eroding." They caution that China's military buildup poses "critical" challenges "to achieving U.S. political-military objectives in the areas that have traditionally been part of our defense umbrella," namely "challenges to [the United States'] military superiority in the crucial air, sea, space, and cyberspace domains." Most alarming, Forbes and Colby hold that failure to act could have "tremendous strategic consequences" for the United States and its allies.
To support these claims, Forbes and Colby provide no new details (or old ones, for that matter) about China's military buildup, instead quoting prominent officials. Their "evidence" consists of Commander of U.S. Pacific Command Admiral Samuel Locklear's statement that "our historic dominance … is diminishing;" Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition, Technology, and Logistics Frank Kendall's assertion that the United States' technological superiority in defense "is being challenged in ways … not seen for decades, particularly in the Asia-Pacific region;" and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Martin Dempsey's claim that "our technology edge [is eroding]." Forbes and Colby seem not to mind that the job of these officials is to cry wolf whenever they see any creature moving, lest they be charged with having ignored a menace if said wolf does materialize. Forbes and Colby also ignore that the military budget and the generals' command depend on finding a new enemy now that the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan are winding down. And they do not take into account the military's long record of overestimating the dangers posed by America's enemies, as notably occurred in the case of the former Soviet Union.
A careful reader notes that the two leading analysts do recognize that China's A2/AD defenses are full of holes, akin—in their words—to "a block of Swiss cheese," and it is incredibly difficult to protect a "huge territory". Forbes and Colby should have to added that Chinese submarines are noisy and pose little threat; China's single aircraft carrier offers scant opportunity to project power against the diminished but still-vast American fleet; and that China's military buildup is dramatic only if one ignores that it started the "race" from far behind. It is easy to achieve double-digit percent increases in military spending when one's baseline budget was $30 billion in 2000 and had scraped $160 billion in 2012. By contrast, the United States' defense budget in 2012 was more than 400 percent larger—about $682 billion— than China's and remained $30 billion greater than the defense budgets of China, Russia, the United Kingdom, Japan, France, Saudi Arabia, India, Germany, Italy and Brazilcombined.
Forbes and Colby's military shopping list includes:
Mark Gunzinger, who shares the same concerns, co-authored a document with Jan Van Tol, Andrew Krepinevich, and Jim Thomas on the Air-Sea Battle concept in which the authors recommended a host of military expenditures, including several technological and material developments and increases. These include:
One wonders what good these kinds of extra hardware would do in light of the fact that China is engaging in a low-key strategy of salami tactics that relies on enforcing its disputed maritime claims with mainly non-military assets. These include using civilian patrol vessels, which are "armed" with nothing more than water cannons and grappling hooks, and cutting the cables of exploration vessels belonging to other countries. Most important, do these analysts really presume that the United States should threaten China with war if it persists in claiming that several piles of uninhabited rocks and the waters around them are within China's exclusive economic zone or air defense identification zone?
More needs to be heard about China's actual intentions and interests before it is appropriate to conclude that the U.S. government should invest large sums in technologies that have strategic value only in outright war. Why would China seek to "eat our lunch," as Pentagon officials are fond of saying, or replace the United States as a global power? It has no ideology that calls for bringing its regime's ideals to the rest of the world. And it is under enormous pressure to attend to a host of serious domestic concerns, including an aging population, persistentenvironmental challenges, and an economic slowdown. Speaking of domestic challenges—won't the United States be stronger in the longer term if it chooses to invest more of its military spending, on fixing its aging infrastructure, creating jobs, and revitalizing its educational system?
Amitai Etzioni is a university professor and professor of international relations at The George Washington University. He served as a senior adviser to the Carter White House and taught at Columbia University, Harvard University, and the University of California at Berkeley. His latest book is Hot Spots: American Foreign Policy in a Post-Human-Rights World.

Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is once again stirring Asia's cauldron of national rivalries and historical resentments. This time, he has instructed a committee of historians to reexamine the official apology delivered in 1993 to World War II-era sex slaves held in Japanese military brothels. It is clear from various recent statements that some of Abe's closest advisers believe that the apology was not in order, so the committee might well conclude that Japan was never officially involved in prostitution, and that its "sincere remorse" should therefore be withdrawn.
What perverse reason could Abe have for pursuing such an outcome?
Glossing over, or denying, dark chapters of national history is not unique to Japan, of course. There is no room for Stalin's mass murders in the kind of "patriotic" education favored by Russian President Vladimir Putin. And the Tiananmen Square Massacre, to name but one bloody event in China's recent past, has been officially forgotten.
Still, Japan is a democracy, with freedom of expression. The official apology made in 1993 was prompted by a Japanese historian's discovery of documents showing that the Imperial Japanese Army had been directly involved in setting up, though not necessarily in running, what were known as "comfort stations." One of the official reasons was that widespread rape of Chinese women by Japanese soldiers was provoking too much resistance among the local population.
Various means were used to stock the brothels with young women. But, because there was no escape, the women, once ensnared in the system, were effectively slaves.
This has been officially admitted, so why reopen the ghastly business now, at a time when rescinding the apology would make Japan's already-strained relations with China and South Korea many times worse?
If Abe and his allies were cosmopolitan in their outlook, with a deep understanding of, or concern for, other countries, the decision to revisit the 1993 apology would indeed be extraordinary. But, as is true of many political leaders, especially on the nationalistic right, they are chauvinistic provincials whose concerns are almost entirely domestic. In their efforts to revise the historical record, they are not really thinking of Koreans or Chinese, but of political adversaries at home.
The views of the Japanese on their country's wartime history are deeply divided, reflecting political battle lines drawn in the immediate aftermath of the war, when Japan was under Allied occupation. The United States, which ran the occupation, was keen to reform Japanese society in such a way that another war would be unthinkable. Worship of the emperor was abolished, though Hirohito remained on his throne. Education was purged of all militaristic and "feudal" elements, including favorable references to the samurai spirit. A new pacifist constitution, written by the Americans, banned the use of armed force. And Japan's wartime leaders were tried in Tokyo by Allied judges for "crimes against peace" and "crimes against humanity."
Most Japanese, heartily sick of war and military bullying, were happy to go along with all of this. But there was always a right-wing minority that felt humiliated and resentful of the loss of national pride and, more important, national sovereignty, for Japan's security would henceforth have to depend entirely on the protection offered by the US.
One of the main leaders of this group of disgruntled nationalists was Nobusuke Kishi, Abe's grandfather. Kishi's aim was to regain Japanese pride and sovereignty by revising the constitution and reviving old-fashioned patriotism, thus undoing some of the American educational reforms. He failed, because most Japanese were still allergic to anything that smacked of militarism.
Until not long ago, there was a strong left-wing current in education and some of the media that used Japan's horrendous wartime record as an argument against any kind of revisionism. But, as long as the Japanese left used history to make this political argument, the nationalists pushed back by claiming that stories of wartime atrocities had been greatly exaggerated.
Books about the infamous Nanking Massacre of 1937, or the enslavement of "comfort women" in military brothels, were denounced as "historical masochism" or dismissed as "the Tokyo Trial View of History." The left was accused of being complicit in spreading foreign – Chinese, Korean, or American – propaganda.
This, then, is the modern Japanese version of populism: the "liberal elites," by falsifying the history of Japan's glorious war to "liberate Asia," undermined the Japanese people's moral fiber. Because the ideological collapse of left-wing politics in Japan has been as precipitous as in much of the Western world, the so-called liberal elites have lost much of their former influence. As a result, the voice of the nationalist right has grown louder in recent years.
That is why Abe can get away with appointing cronies to the board of NHK, the national broadcasting company, who openly claim that the military brothels were an entirely private enterprise and that the Nanking Massacre was a foreign fabrication. Historical truth is not the point; political mastery is.
Japan's prime minister is playing a risky game. He is upsetting allies in Asia, embarrassing the US, and making bad relations with China even worse. Like Putin, he is driving himself and his country into further isolation for entirely domestic reasons. In a region increasingly dominated by Chinese power, he will be without Asian friends.
And that is where Abe's behavior becomes truly perverse. After all, a Japan that is isolated in Asia will be even more dependent on the US, the wartime victor, which Abe and his nationalist allies hold responsible for the postwar order that they seek to revise.
(Ian Buruma is Professor of Democracy, Human Rights, and Journalism at Bard College.)
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| Chris D. Nebe |

In Chinese, just as in English, quotation marks can indicate attribution, doubt, or dismissiveness. And just like in the United States, terrorism is a sensitive issue in China, where disaffected citizens have at times used violence for political ends. In such an environment, employing quotation marks around a highly-politicized word like terrorism can be combustible.
On the evening of March 1, a group of knife-wielding assailants dressed in black burst into a crowded railway station in Kunming, the capital of China's southwest Yunnan province, and slashed travelers, passersby, and police, killing 29 and injuring 143, including children and the elderly. Police shot dead four assailants at the scene, and say they have captured all the surviving suspects. Eleven hours after the attack, China's state-run Xinhua News Agency announced that based on evidence found at the crime scene, separatists from the northwest Chinese region of Xinjiang are behind the terrorist attack. (So far, no groups or individuals have claimed responsibility, and Beijing released the name of one alleged perpetrator.)
Following the Xinhua report, many major Western media outlets covering the event, including The New York Times, CNN, Reuters, BBC, and CBC of Canada, used quotation marks around the word "terrorism," some in the article's headline, some in the body, and some in both. Chinese Internet users and domestic media were quick to notice this punctuation choice, and a storm of anger against perceived Western biasquickly brewed on Sina Weibo, China's largest microblogging platform.
While some Weibo users interpreted the quotation marks as attribution to the Chinese government's official statements, which most Western media outlets usually take with a grain of salt, many detected sympathy with separatist aspirations in Xinjiang, or what one called an "obvious agenda." Another wrote that some of the articles about the Kunming attacks ended "with the Han Chinese's invasion of Xinjiang's religion and culture," which "turned the carnage of civilians into a political game." (Xinjiang became part of the People's Republic of China in 1949, after Communist troops entered the region.) Tech entrepreneur Luo Yonghaotweeted to his 5.8 million followers that "uniformed thugs indiscriminately killing innocent civilians undoubtedly constitutes terrorism." He wrote that he had always admired the West, but "cannot stand" the way Western media first reported the Kunming attack.
Chinese state media did not sit on the sidelines. The People's Daily, a Chinese Communist Party mouthpiece, also took to Weibo to demand an explanation from Western media for their "blindness and deafness" and "intentional downplaying of the violence and sympathy toward the assailants." "China sympathized with the September 11 terrorist attack," itwrote in a popular tweet. "But some American media harbored double standards regarding the Kunming terrorist attack. Why?"
A post by the official account of the U.S. Embassy in Beijing fueled the outrage. It did not, as many Chinese had hoped, characterize the attack as terrorism, but instead called it a "senseless act of violence." Almost all of the more than 50,000 comments left on the postaccused the U.S. Embassy of a double standard when it comes to violence in China. "If the Kunming attack were a 'horrific, senseless act of violence,'" the most up-voted comment reads, "then the 9/11 attack in New York City would be a 'regrettable traffic accident.'" (The United Nations Security Council released a statement late Sunday condemning "in the strongest terms the terrorist attack.")
Some of the fallout from the embassy's statement stems from an unfortunate translation. "Senseless violence," a common diplomatic phrase the Obama administration has also used to describe the 2012 attack on the U.S. Consulate in Benghazi, which killed the U.S. ambassador to Libya, read as "meaningless violence" in Chinese. Many Chinese web users, likely already attuned for signs of disrespect, took that to mean the U.S. sympathized with the assailants. The violence did not serve its supposed purpose, the message seemed to say, but the assailants' goals could be achieved by some other means.
Perceived bias from Western media has roiled Chinese public opinion before. In the spring of 2008, Western media drew widespread criticismin China over coverage of ethnic clashes in Tibet and Xinjiang that many Chinese believed underplayed violence perpetrated by ethnic minorities. In the run-up to the August 2008 Beijing Olympics, many Chineseseethed against Western coverage of the Olympic torch relay, which often focused on the disruptions of the relay by human rights activists. In early 2008, some young Chinese Internet users set up a website called Anti-CNN to call out what they believed was biased reporting on China and, according to China's foreign ministry, to reflect grassroots "condemnation" of some Western media's "distorted and exaggerated" views.
These developments are troubling for U.S. - China relations, but not entirely surprising. In a digital age, it's relatively easy for wired citizens of one country to peer into the media environment of another. But old-fashioned cultural, political, and linguistic barriers remain. Even -- perhaps especially -- at times of tragedy, the combination often spurs more pique than understanding.
AFP/Getty Images
This picture is of the 3 warning lines set up by the police on Beijing Road which leads to Kunming Train Station, prohibiting all vehicles from entering.
This picture is of one of the passengers at the scene still in shock.
A group of riot police on route to the scene.
On the night of March 1, scattered luggage outside one of the ticket booking halls of Kunming Train Station (photo taken by cellphone). Photographed by Xinhua News Agency reporter Ling Yiguang.
On the night of March 1, the police cordoning off the scene outside Kunming Train Station. Photographed by Xinhua News Agency reporter Ling Yiguang. 





On March 2, before dawn, the wounded receiving medical treatment at Kunming City No.1 People's Hospital. Photographed by Xinhua News Agency reporter Ling Yiguang.
On March 2, before dawn, a wounded man receiving medical treatment at Kunming City No.1 People's Hospital. Photographed by Xinhua News Agency reporter Ling Yiguang.
This picture is of a wounded person receiving emergency medical treatment at the hospital.
This picture is of KunMing Train Station. 
By LiuXiaoMing 10:36PM GMT 01 Jan 2014
In the Harry Potter story, the dark wizard Voldemort dies because the seven horcruxes, which contain parts of his soul, have been destroyed. If militarism is like the haunting Voldemort of Japan, the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo is a kind of horcrux, representing the darkest parts of that nation's soul.
Last week, in flagrant disregard of the feelings of his Asian neighbors, Shinzo Abe, the Japanese prime minister, paid homage at the Yasukuni Shrine, where 14 Class A war criminals – defined as those who committed "crimes against peace" – are enshrined. They were among the 28 Japanese political and military leaders convicted by an international military tribunal after the Second World War.
The Yasukuni Shrine was established more than 150 years ago, and Asian people know very well how it has since been used by Japanese militarists as a spiritual symbol to launch wars of aggression. In addition, it is deeply offensive to witness convicted war criminals being venerated. These were leaders found guilty of inflicting indescribable suffering on countless individuals during the war. Rightly, within hours of Mr Abe's visit, there were strong condemnations from China, South Korea and across the international community.
Visits to the shrine by Japanese leaders cannot simply be an internal affair for Japan, or a personal matter for any Japanese official. Nor does it concern only China-Japan and Korea-Japan relations. Deep down, paying this kind of homage reveals whether Japan is trustworthy. It raises serious questions about attitudes in Japan and its record of militarism, aggression and colonial rule.
At stake is the credit of that country's leaders in observing the purposes and principles of the UN Charter and upholding peace. It is a choice between aggression and non-aggression, between good and evil and between light and dark. Regrettably, what Mr Abe did has raised the spectre of militarism rising again in Japan.
Mr Abe's track record provides evidence. Since taking office in 2012, he has been talking enthusiastically about justice, democracy, peace and dialogue. But the reality is seen in his actions. He is unrepentant about Japan's militarist past and makes no apologies for it. He has openly questioned whether his country should be defined as an "aggressor", and did his utmost to beautify its history of militaristic aggression and colonial rule.
In May 2013, Mr Abe caused great offence in China and Korea when he was photographed posing in a military jet boldly marked with the number 731: this was the code of an infamous Japanese biological warfare research facility performing human experiments in China during the war.
With these precedents, the world should be very alert. Mr Abe wishes to amend the post-war pacifist constitution, imposed on Japan by the USA. Close attention should be paid to his colleagues, such as Taro Aso, the deputy prime minister, who asserted that Japan could "learn" from Nazi Germany about revising constitutions. Mr Abe has worked hard to portray China as a threat, aiming to sow discord among Asia-Pacific nations, raising regional tensions and so creating a convenient excuse for the resurrection of Japanese militarism.
Last year, I explained in a newspaper article the key principles concerning the Diaoyu Islands in the East China Sea, and pointed out the severe consequences of Japan's provocations. This time, I believe Mr Abe has continued his brinksmanship by visiting the Yasukuni Shrine; it has rekindled bitter memories of Japan's past-war crimes.
We know from history that a country that starts a war and ends up in defeat has two options. One is to face up squarely to its past, make sincere apologies and renounce militarism, as Germany did. The German approach has contributed to regional stability and world peace. It has earned respect and acclaim from the whole world.
The other option is to deny past aggression, allow militarism to rise and raise the threat of war. Unfortunately, Mr Abe's actions confirm that he favours the second option: he seems determined to lead Japan on to a perilous path. The international community should be on high alert.
Next week, The Railway Man, a film based on a true story, will be released. It tells the tragic story of a British PoW tortured by the Japanese in the Second World War. The film is not only about the atrocities committed by his Japanese captors, but also how one of them is harrowed by his own past. His redemption is only effected through deep remorse and penitence.
China and Britain were wartime allies. Our troops fought shoulder to shoulder against Japanese aggressors and made enormous sacrifices. Sixty-eight years have passed since that horrible war. Yet there are always some incorrigible people in Japan who show no signs of remorse for war crimes. Instead, they seek to reinterpret history. They pose a serious threat to global peace. The Chinese will not allow such attempts. I am sure British and all other peace-loving folk will not remain indifferent.
China and Britain are both victors of the Second World War. We played a key role in establishing the post-war international order that has delivered great benefits for mankind. Our two countries have a common responsibility to work with the international community to oppose and condemn any words or actions aimed at invalidating the peaceful post-war consensus and challenging international order. We should join together both to uphold the UN Charter and to safeguard regional stability and world peace.


The Bell Rings For The Call Of Home
In The Life Of His
It Seems To Be Meaningless
The Thing Dark Skin Has Given To Him
Is Fighting For Black Race All His Life
You've Lost What You Owned In Those Years
But There're Still Hopes In Your Weary Eyes
Now We've Only Got The Empty Life
To See The Glorious Days
Holding Freedom In Stormy Seas
Suffering The Painful Time Life Brings
Will Surely Make A Change
Who Can Just Make It Right
Can We Forget About The Races
Hope On This Land
Equality Is For Everyone
The Pretty Color Shows Its Own Beauty
Cause It Does Not
Separate Each Of Them
You've Lost What You Owned In Those Years
But There're Still Hopes In Your Weary Eyes
Now We've Only Got The Empty Life
To See The Glorious Days
Holding Freedom In Stormy Seas
Suffering The Painful Time Life Brings
Will Surely Make A Change
Who Can Just Make It Right